Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Culture. Show all posts

Monday, 18 May 2015

Bajan women ranked second sexiest in the world

BARBADOS BORN AND BRED: Pop star Rihanna
WOMEN FROM Barbados have been hailed the second sexiest in the world.
Home to pop star Rihanna, the idyllic isle, came just behind Armenia, which is the birthplace of reality star Kim Kardashian’s paternal grandparents.
Rounding off the top five sexiest nations for women was America in third place, Columbia in fourth and England in fifth.
As for the men, Nigeria flew the flag for the continent, ranking eighth. Notable Nigerian men include singers D'Banj and WizKid.
No Caribbean islands made the top ten on the list of sexiest nations for men.
Irish men were ranked No.1, followed by Australian, Pakistani, American and English men.
The survey was complied by Miss Travel, a website which matches up potential adventurers with “generous travellers”, and based on preferences of 44,873 American men and 66,309 American women.
While Rihanna, who was named Fashion Icon of The Year at the CFDA Fashion Awards in 2014 and became the first black woman to front a Dior campaign earlier this year, is arguably the most famous Bajan, but she’s not the only celebrity with roots or connections to the Caribbean island.
There are a host of Hollywood stars who [are of] Barbadian descent, including Clueless star Stacey Dash, whose father is of Bajan descent, and US rapper LL Cool, whose grandfather hails from Barbados.
“A lot of the reason why I am the way that I am and my character has a lot to do with my culture,” Rihanna said in an interview in 2012.
“It really helped to have a thick skin coming from Barbados. I definitely had to learn fast how to ignore things or not let it bother me,” she revealed. “From the time I was very young, I was teased about being biracial. That was one of the first things I dealt with, then it went on throughout high school. If it wasn’t one thing it was the other thing. In my home, a lot of the things I saw helped prepare me for this world.”
Barbados has been an independent country since 30 November 1966. It functions as a constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy modelled on the British Westminster system. The Barbadian monarch—presently Queen Elizabeth II—is head of state and is represented locally by the Governor-General of Barbados—presently Elliott Belgrave.
The country has a population of about 281,968 and close to 90 per cent of all Barbadians (also known colloquially as "Bajan") are of Afro-Caribbean descent ("Afro-Bajans") and mixed-descent.
................................................................... SEXIEST NATIONALITIES FOR WOMEN:
1. Armenian
2. Barbadian/Bajan
3. American
4. Colombian
5. English
6. Australian
7. Brazilian
8. Filipina
9. Bulgarian
10. Lebanese
SEXIEST NATIONALITIES FOR MEN:
1. Irish
2. Australian
3. Pakistani
4. American
5. English
6. Scottish
7. Italian
8. Nigerian
9. Danish
10. Spanish

Friday, 10 April 2015

Chinese Beliefs

In premodern China, the great majority of people held beliefs and observed practices related to death that they learned as members of families and villages, not as members of organized religions. Such beliefs and practices are often subsumed under the umbrella of "Chinese popular religion." Institutional forms of Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and other traditions contributed many beliefs and practices to popular religion in its local variants. These traditions, especially Buddhism, included the idea of personal cultivation for the purpose of living an ideal life and, as a consequence, attaining some kind of afterlife salvation, such as immortality, enlightenment, or birth in a heavenly realm. However, individual salvation played a small role in most popular religions. In typical local variants of popular religion, the emphasis was on (1) passing from this world into an ancestral realm that in key ways mirrored this world and (2) the interactions between living persons and their ancestors.

Basic Beliefs and Assumptions

In every human society one can find manifestations of the human desire for some kind of continuance beyond death. In the modern West, much of human experience has been with religious theories of continuance that stress the fate of the individual, often conceived as a discrete spiritual "self" or "soul." Typically, a person is encouraged to live in a way that prepares one for personal salvation, whether by moral self-discipline, seeking God's grace, or other means. Indic traditions, such as Buddhism and Hinduism, include similar assumptions about the human self/soul and personal salvation. In premodern China, especially if one discounts Buddhist influence, a person's desire for continuance beyond death was rooted in different assumptions and manifested in practices not closely related to the pursuit of individual salvation.
First, Chinese emphasized biological continuance through descendants to whom they gave the gift of life and for whom they sacrificed many of life's material pleasures. Moreover, personal sacrifice was not rooted in a belief in asceticism per se but in a belief that sacrificing for one's offspring would engender in them obligations toward elders and ancestors. As stated in the ancient text, Scripture of Filiality (Warring States Period, 453-221 B.C.E. ), these included obligations to care for one's body as a gift from one's parents and to succeed in life so as to glorify the family ancestors. Thus, one lived beyond the grave above all through the health and success of one's children, grandchildren, and great-grandchildren.
Second, because of the obligations inculcated in children and grandchildren, one could assume they would care for one in old age and in the afterlife. Indeed, afterlife care involved the most significant and complex rituals in Chinese religious life, including funerals, burials, mourning practices, and rites for ancestors. All this was important not only as an expression of each person's hope for continuance beyond death but as an expression of people's concern that souls for whom no one cared would become ghosts intent on causing mischief.
Finally, there was a stress on mutual obligations between the living and the dead; in other words, an emphasis on the same principle of reciprocity that governed relations among the living members of a Chinese community. It was assumed that the dead could influence the quality of life for those still in this world—either for good or for ill. On the one hand, proper burial, careful observance of mourning practices, and ongoing offerings of food and gifts for ancestors assured their continued aid. On the other hand, failure to observe ritual obligations might bring on the wrath of one's ancestors, resulting in family disharmony, economic ruin, or sickness. Ancestral souls for whom no one cared would become "hungry ghosts" ( egui ), which might attack anyone in the community. Royal ancestors, whose worship was the special responsibility of the reigning emperor, could aid or harm people throughout the empire, depending on whether or not the emperor upheld ritual obligations to his ancestors.
In traditional China, the idea that personal continuance after death could be found in the lives of one's descendants has been closely linked to practices rooted in mutual obligations between the living and the dead: those who had moved on to the ancestral state of existence. But what is the nature of the ancestral state? What kind of rituals for the dead have been performed by most Chinese? And under what circumstances have individual Chinese sought something more than an afterlife as a comfortable and proud ancestor with loving and successful descendants; that is, some kind of personal salvation?

Conceptions of Souls and Ancestral Existence

There is evidence from as early as the Shang period (c. 1500–1050 B.C.E. ) that Chinese cared for ancestors as well as feared them. This may well have been the main factor in the development of beliefs in dual and multiple souls. Late in the Zhou dynasty (1050–256 B.C.E. ), cosmological thought was dominated by the yin-yang dichotomy, according to which all aspects of existence were a result of alternation and interplay between passive (yin) and active (yang) forces. Philosophers applied the dichotomy to soul theory. Lacking any absolute distinction between physical and spiritual, they considered the yin soul ( po ) as more material, and the yang soul ( hun ) as more ethereal. In practice, the po was linked to the body and the grave. The less fearsome hun was linked to the ancestral tablet kept in the family home and the one installed in an ancestral hall (if the family's clan could afford to build one). For some, this meant there were two hun, just as, for others, there might be multiple po. One common view included the idea of three hun and seven po. These multiple soul theories were among the factors in popular religion that mitigated widespread acceptance of belief in salvation of the individual soul. At the same time, however, multiple soul theories helped Chinese to manage contrasting perceptions of ancestral souls (as benevolent or malevolent, for example) and to provide an explanatory framework for the differing rituals of the domestic, gravesite, and clan hall cults for ancestors.
While the intent of all these rites was clear—to comfort ancestors rather than to suffer their wrath—the nature of ancestral existence was relatively undefined. Generally speaking, the world of the ancestors was conceived as a murky, dark realm, a "yin" space ( yinjian ). While not clear on the exact details, Chinese considered the world of departed spirits similar to the world of the living in key ways. They believed residents of the other realm need money and sustenance, must deal with bureaucrats, and should work (with the help of the living) to improve their fate. After the arrival of Buddhism in the early centuries of the common era, it contributed more specific ideas about the realm of the dead as well as more exact conceptions of the relationship between one's deeds while alive and one's fate afterward.
For example, the "bureaucratic" dimension of the underworld was enhanced by visions of the Buddhist Ten Courts of Hell, at which judges meted out punishments according to karmic principles that required recompense for every good or evil deed. Moreover, regardless of whether or not they followed Buddhism in other ways, most Chinese embraced the doctrines of karma (retribution for past actions) and samsara (cyclical existence) in their thinking about life and death. These doctrines helped people to explain the fate of residents in the realms of the living and the dead, not to mention interactions between them. For example, the ghost stories that fill Chinese religious tracts as well as secular literature typically present ghosts as vehicles of karmic retribution against those evildoers who escaped punishment by worldly authorities (perhaps in a former lifetime). While reading such stories often has been just a casual diversion, performing rites to assure that departed ancestors do not become wandering ghosts has been a serious matter.

Rites for the Dead

Over the course of Chinese history, classical texts on ritual and commentaries on them had increasing influence on the practice of rites for the dead. The text Records of Rituals ( Liji ), after being designated one of Confucianism's "Five Scriptures" during the Han era (206 B.C.E. –220 C.E. ), became the most influential book in this regard. The Family Rituals according to Master Zhu ( Zhuzi jiali ), by the leading thinker of later Confucianism (Zhu Xi, 1130–1200 C.E.), became the most influential commentary. The influence of these texts resulted in widespread standardization of funeral rites in particular and rites for the dead in general. According to the cultural anthropologist James Watson, standardized funeral rites became a marker of "Chineseness" for Han (ethnically Chinese) people in their interactions with other ethnic groups as they spread into new territories.
In his article, "The Structure of Chinese Funerary Rites," Watson identifies nine elements of standardized funeral rites: (1) the family gives public notification by wailing, pasting up banners, and other acts; (2) family members don mourning attire of white cloth and hemp; (3) they ritually bathe the corpse; (4) they make food offerings and transfer to the dead (by burning) spirit money and various goods (houses, furniture, and other items made of paper); (5) they prepare and install an ancestral tablet at the domestic altar; (6) they pay money to ritual specialists (usually Taoists priests or Buddhist clerics) so that the corpse can be safely expelled from the community (and the spirit sent forth on its otherworldly journey); (7) they arrange for music to accompany movement of the corpse and to settle the spirit; (8) they have the corpse sealed in an airtight coffin; and (9) they expel the coffin from the community in a procession to the gravesite that marks the completion of the funeral rites and sets the stage for burial.
While burial customs were more subject to local variation than funeral rites as such, throughout China there was a preference for burial over alternative means of dealing with the corpse. For example, few Chinese opted for Buddhism's custom of cremation, despite the otherwise strong influence this religion had on Chinese ideas and practices related to life and death. Unlike Indians, for whom the body could be seen as a temporary vehicle for one's eternal spirit, Chinese typically saw the body as a valued gift from the ancestors that one should place whole under the soil near one's ancestral village. In modern China, especially under the Communist Party since 1949, Chinese have turned to cremation more often. But this has been for practical reasons related to land use and to the party's campaign against "superstitious" behavior and in favor of frugality in performing rituals.
Traditionally, the corpse, or at least the bones, represented powers that lasted beyond death and could affect the fate of living relatives. For this reason, the use of an expert in feng-shui (Chinese geomancy) was needed to determine the time, place, and orientation of the burial of a corpse. This usage was in line with the aforementioned belief that the po, which lingered at the grave, was more physical in character than the hun soul(s). Its importance is underlined by the fact that the practice is being revived in China after years of condemnation by Communist officials.
Caring for the hun soul(s) has been at the heart of ritual observances that occurred away from the
The procession to the gravesite of this funeral in China signifies a completion of the funeral rites. CORBIS
The procession to the gravesite of this funeral in China signifies a completion of the funeral rites .
CORBIS
grave. Among these observances were very complex mourning customs. They were governed by the general principle that the closeness of one's relationship to the deceased determined the degree of mourning one must observe (symbolized by the coarseness of one's clothes and the length of the mourning period, for example). In addition to observing mourning customs, relatives of the deceased were obliged to care for his or her soul(s) at the home altar and at the clan ancestral hall, if one existed. At the home altar the family remembered a recently deceased relative through highly personalized offerings of favorite foods and other items. They remembered more distant relatives as a group in generic ancestral rites, such as those which occurred prior to family feasts at the New Year, mid-Autumn, and other festivals. Indeed, one of the most significant symbolic reminders that ancestors were still part of the family was their inclusion as honored guests at holiday meals.

Individual Salvation

Chinese beliefs and practices related to death were closely tied to family life and, therefore, shaped by its collectivist mentality. In his article, "Souls and Salvation: Conflicting Themes in Chinese Popular Religion," the anthropologist Myron Cohen, has even argued that the pursuit of individual salvation was inimical to orthodox popular religion. Nonetheless, this pursuit was not absent from traditional religious life. The spread of Buddhism throughout China was one factor contributing to its acceptance. Another factor was the increasingly urban and mobile nature of Chinese society over time. Since at least the Song dynasty (960–1279), both factors have exerted strong influence, so that for the last millennium China has seen tremendous growth in lay-oriented Buddhism and in other religions with salvationist ideologies derived from Buddhist, Taoist, and other sources.
Lay Buddhists have been interested to an even greater extent than their monastic counterparts in the goal of rebirth in the Western paradise, or "Pure Land" ( jingtu ), of Amitabha Buddha. Unlike the ordinary realm of ancestors, which mirrors this world in most ways, the Pure Land is desired for ways in which it differs from this world. It is inhabited not by relatives, but by wise and compassionate teachers of the Buddhist Dharma, and it is free of the impurities and sufferings of the mortal realm. For some it is not a place at all, only a symbol of the peace of nirvana (enlightened state beyond cyclical existence).
To an even greater extent than Buddhism, certain syncretic religions set forth ideas that stood in tension with the hierarchical, earthbound, and collectivist assumptions of the traditional Chinese state and society. Whether one studies the White Lotus Religion of late imperial times, the Way of Unity (Yiguan Dao) in modern China and Taiwan, or the Falun Gong movement in the twenty-firstcentury's People's Republic of China, the emphasis is on individual spiritual cultivation and, when relevant, the fate of the individual after death. Evidence of interest in individual spiritual cultivation and salvation is found in these sects' remarkable popularity, which has alarmed both traditional and contemporary governments.
Groups like the Way of Unity or Falun Gong typically stress the need for a morally disciplined lifestyle and training in techniques of spiritual cultivation that are uniquely available to members. Their moral norms are largely from Confucianism, and their spiritual techniques from Taoism and Buddhism. Falun Gong promises that its techniques are powerful enough to save members from fatal illnesses. The Way of Unity promises that individuals who take the right moral-spiritual path will avoid the catastrophe that faces others as they near the end of the world. Unlike others, these individuals will join the Eternal Venerable Mother in her paradise. Since the 1600s, the idea of salvation through Jesus has also attracted the attention of some Chinese. In the past, these Chinese Christians were required to abandon ancestral rites, since 1939 the Catholic church has allowed Chinese to worship Jesus as well as perform rituals for ancestors, with some Protestant groups following the trend.
As the acids of modernity continue to eat away at the fabric of traditional Chinese society, many more Chinese are embracing religions that preach individual salvation after death. Those who do so may abandon practices related to traditional beliefs about life, death, and ancestral souls, or they may find ways to reconcile these practices with the new belief systems they adopt.
See also: Afterlife IN Cross-Cultural Perspective ; Buddhism ; Ghosts ; Hinduism ; Immortality ; Mourning ; Qin Shih Huang's Tomb

Bibliography

Ahern, Emily M. The Cult of the Dead in a Chinese Village. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1973.
Baker, Hugh D. R. Chinese Family and Kinship. New York: Columbia, 1979.
Bauer, Wolfgang. China and the Search for Happiness, translated by Michael Shaw. New York: Seabury Press, 1976.
Chu Hsi. Chu Hsi's Family Rituals, translated by Patricia Ebrey. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991.
Cohen, Myron L. "Souls and Salvation: Conflicting Themes in Chinese Popular Religion." In James L. Watson and Evelyn S. Rawski eds., Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. Confucianism and Family Rituals in Imperial China. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991.
Goodrich, Anne S. Chinese Hells. St. Augustin: Monumenta Serica, 1981.
Groot, Jan J. M. de. The Religious System of China. 6 vols. 1892. Reprint, Taipei: Southern Materials Center, 1982.
Hsu, Francis L. K. Under the Ancestors' Shadow. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1971.
Jochim, Christian. Chinese Religions: A Cultural Perspective. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1986.
Lagerway, John. Taoist Ritual in Chinese Society and History. New York: Macmillan, 1987.
Legge, James, trans. Li Chi: Book of Rites. 2 vols. 1885. Reprint, edited by Ch'u Chai and Winberg Chai. New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1967.
Legge, James, trans. The Hsiao Ching. ( Scripture of Filiality ) 1899. Reprint, New York: Dover Publications, 1963.
Loewe, Michael. Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Quest for Immortality. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1979.
Poo, Mu-chou. In Search of Personal Welfare: A View of Ancient Chinese Religion. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998.
St. Sure, Donald F., trans. 100 Documents Concerning the Chinese Rites Controversy (1645–1941). San Francisco, CA: University of San Francisco Ricci Institute, 1992.
Teiser, Stephen F. "The Scripture on the Ten Kings" and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994.
Teiser, Stephen F. The Ghost Festival in Medieval China. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988.
Watson, James L. "The Structure of Chinese Funerary Rites," In James L. Watson and Evelyn S. Rawski eds., Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988.
Wolf, Arthur P., ed. Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1974.
Yang, C. K. Religion in Chinese Society. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970.

Read more: http://www.deathreference.com/Ce-Da/Chinese-Beliefs.html#ixzz3WuR3OZon

Tuesday, 7 April 2015

Famous African Tribes

 It is easy to visit Africa and yet see nothing of the local customs and cultures.

Safaris focus on the wildlife and many travellers don't see a local village. We feel that to visit Africa and learn nothing of its culture is to miss out on part of the experience.
We concentrate on some of the most famous tribal cultures and have suggested a few itinerary ideas, most of which include a visit to the local communities in question. Remember, however, we can tailor-make any itinerary to suit your exact needs.

Maasai, Kenya and Tanzania

The Maasai, with their warriors standing guard over cattle grazing amongst wildebeest and zebra, live on the expansive plains encompassing both Kenya and Tanzania.
From your safari camp you can visit one of the Maasai villages, allowing you to learn about their culture and traditions, or you can visit a traditional boma and watch them herd their cattle or make their traditional beaded jewellery. Some camps also offer guided walks with the Maasai, which offers a good opportunity to enjoy the unspoiled wilderness, watch wildlife and spend more time with these friendly people.
Finally, in these areas money is scarce and so sustainable tourism projects like this inject funds into vital clinics and water supplies.
Maasai chief Maasai Woman Maasai chief                                                              Maasai Woman

Himba, Namibia

Semi-nomadic pastoralists, the Himba trek from one watering area to another. The women are noted for their beauty and the dramatic colour of their skin, created by rubbing their bodies with red ochre and fat to protect them from the harsh desert climate.
Spending time in a village is a unique and humbling experience, giving you the chance to learn about the architecture of their houses, the structure of their community, survival in an unforgiving landscape and how to create beautiful and intricate jewellery from iron and shell beads.
The Himba inhabit Namibia’s remote north western Kunene Region and it is possible to visit their communities from camps in Namibia’s Skeleton Coast National Park as well as Kaokoveld.
Himba excursion from Gelbingen Lodge, Damaraland Himba boy Himba excursion from Gelbingen Lodge, Damaraland           Himba boy

Kunda, Zambia

A stay at Kawaza is a fascinating experience since nothing is artificial or set up for tourists; you simply go and stay and spend time in the village learning about daily life.
As part of your stay, you will meet the village headman, visit the local traditional healer, walk among the fields learning about the farming and spend time with the women cooking and collecting water. You might thatch a roof or sit in the shade and talk to the elders; how much you participate is up to you. It's a wonderful initiative that provides a unique insight to Kunda culture.
Because of its proximity to the South Luangwa National Park you can easily combine a one- or two-night stay at Kawaza with a longer safari in the park.

Samburu, Kenya

Kenya is home to the Samburu, who for centuries have lived a traditional semi-nomadic lifestyle herding their cattle to areas of water and grazing.
The Samburu are closely related to the Maasai but are from Northern Kenya, whereas the Masai are generally found in the southern parts of the country. The tribe name means "butterfly", referring to their beauty and they traditionally adorn themselves with colourful beaded headdresses and bracelets.
Some lodges also offer camel-trekking trips, accompanied by the Samburu, which is a lovely alternative to a game-drive.
Samburu ladies  Samburu dancing Samburu ladies                                                           Samburu dancing

San Bushmen, Botswana

The San Bushman communities have survived on the Makgadikgadi Pans and in areas of western Botswana for centuries.
This seemingly desolate and unforgiving landscape of vast salt pans stretches for miles, with not a drop of water in sight. You wonder if it could ever be possible to live in this arid area but they have lived here for generations and spending a day with them provides insight into their unique culture.
Not only do they show you how to make animal traps, but also how to find roots and tubers and even make tobacco from zebra dung. Dressed in loincloths, they swing their bows and arrows over their shoulders and lead the way. Following, you can’t fail to wonder at their incredible knowledge of the land.
San bushman, Makgadikgadi Pans  San bushmen lady, excursion from Fiume Lodge San bushman, Makgadikgadi Pans                             San bushmen lady, excursion from Fiume Lodge

Xhosa, South Africa

The Xhosa people are distributed across the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, stretching from East London up to the KwaZulu-Natal border.
It's an area of lush tropical forest hugging river valleys whose estuaries spill into lagoons behind white sandy beaches. There are ample opportunities for fishing, swimming, birdwatching and watersports but one of the most memorable experiences to take away is that of learning about the local Xhosa culture.
Speaking the second most common home language (after Zulu), the Xhosa were originally herders and farmers, but today they are involved in a wide range of activities and livelihoods.

Zulu, South Africa

KwaZulu-Natal has seen two of the most famous conflicts in British military history: the Boer and Zulu wars but it was the latter which brought the Zulu culture to worldwide attention.
In this region is Shakaland, a cultural village which has the largest kraal in Zululand, and is also the site of the legendary Zulu chief's birthplace overlooking the uMhlatusi River. Here, Zulu traditions and culture are kept alive, with demonstrations of Zulu craft, building skills, pottery, brewing, dancing and music.
Zulu girl, South Africa  Zulu dancers Zulu girl, South Africa                                                 Zulu dancers

Monday, 6 April 2015

Tribes and religion of Tanzania

Tanzania's religious beliefs are as diverse and unique as its natural and cultural resources. Tanzanian religion has high influence upon Tanzanian culture.

Tribes of Tanzania

One third of Tanzanians are Christians, another third are Muslim.

The remaining third pursue one of the numerous indigenous religions. In rural places some people express their faith in an animistic religion. Hinduism and Buddhism are also found among the members of the Asian minorities.
Christianity was introduced into Tanzania at the beginning of the 16th century through the establishment of a Franciscan mission in the city of Kilwa. Other missionary societies followed and in the 17th century Catholic and Protestant missions were to be found in almost every coastal city. The Christian Council of Tanzania, the umbrella organization for most Christian denominations, was founded in 1934.
The clergy is today mostly of African origin. Muslims in Tanzania live mostly in Zanzibar, Pemba and along the Ruvuma River. Islam first appeared in the late medieval period with the establishment of Arab commercial stations in Zanzibar and along the coast. Muslims did not constitute any missionary societies. The Islamic faith was widely spread by Arabic slave traders. There are two organizations which supervise Tanzania's Muslim affairs. The National Muslim Council of Tanzania supervises the mainland, while the Supreme Muslim Council handles the Muslim affairs in the Islands.The indigenous beliefs of Tanzania confess to a high god, an idea similar to Christian and Islamic religion.

Many Tanzanians request the help of diviners and traditional healers.

Many Tanzanians will give their children an additional name to a Christian or Islamic name. This is mostly a name from a grandparent and it symbolizes a relationship with the spiritual world of the forefathers. Although the Tanzanian constitution offers freedom of religion, fundamentalists are also found. Conflicts and tensions between Christianity and Muslims are also there. They have effects in schools, colleges, business. Although Tanzania is an open globalized country, the concept of secularism between government and religion is still far away.

Tribes in Tanzania


Maasai tribe

Maasai tribe
Although there have been many attempts by the government to »tame« the Maasai people by taking their land and turning it into national reserve parks and crop production land, they have maintained their customs and habits, traditional rituals for different rites of passage, when they shave their heads and dance in circles.
They have remained cattle breeders, eating mostly meat and milk that they produce themselves. Traditionally, the Maasai people are recognizable by wearing sandals, black, blue and red clothes, which they wrap around their bodies.
Women spend their spare time doing bead work and these accessories usually ornament their bodies, together with wooden bracelets and pierced earlobes. The Maasai have a patriarchal society and are divided into male groups, where elders usually decide on the important issues of the community.
Maasai village
The warriors are one of the most respected groups of the Maasai and are known world-wide. They have many privileges, since they are the only ones that can wear long hair.
The Maasai believe in one God, called” Engai”, though it has two natures; kind and vengeful. They have a “Laibon”, who is their spiritual leader. However, he doesn’t have any higher position in their community, just prophetic or healing powers.

Hadzabe tribe

Hadzabe tribeWith an estimate of less than 2,000 representatives, the Hadzabe tribe is one of the last tribes that have stayed true to their nature, far from the madding crowds of tourism and universal globalization. Their lifestyle is still the same as their ancestors’ from many years ago.
Gender roles are very well distributed, since men usually hunt on their own, bringing home meat and honey, while women and children occupy themselves with gathering fruits, berries and roots. Men hunting animals are very skillful and daring, tracing the pray unseen and attracting it by distinct motions with the help of animal body parts, such as antelope horns. Since this is the only way they provide for themselves, they are the only ones that can hunt in the Serengeti, otherwise it is illegal.
The Hadzabe live in caves and try to stay away from other people. Their territory is Lake Eyasi, but through the years they have been left with only a trace of the vast lands that were their own. Because of their remote homes and no intertribal marriages they have also managed to avoid deadly diseases that threat other Africans, such as the HIV.
An interesting feature of the Hadzabe tribe is their language. They are said to be in some kind of relation with the Bushmen of theKalahari Desert, because of the distinctive click sounds they share. Their physique is also similar, since they are smaller than other tribes and thin. However, the DNA analysis shows no common traits of the two tribes.

Sukuma tribe

The Sukuma are the largest group in Tanzania, since their population reaches over 5 million and still grows. They are scattered around the country and live not only in rural areas and plains, but also in cities, mostly in Mwanza and Shinyanga. Consequently, their traditional lifestyle drastically changed and they succumbed to the modern way of life. The Sukuma living in cities find jobs like doctors, miners, teachers and nurses, women included.However, every working woman is also a housewife and has to take care of the family. In rural areas,they grow crops, including cotton, corn, potatoes and rice or raise livestock. Women gather firewood and provide their families with fresh water and daily meals, such as ugali, which is a traditional East African dish and is of similar composition as porridge.The Sukuma are divided into 2 groups called Kimakia and Kisomayo and then further into subgroups,but all speak the Sukuma language and Swahili, one of the official languages in Tanzania, since it is the language used in schools.The Sukuma have many different religions, some 10% belong to the Christian church. Traditional religions praise the existence of spirits, especially those of the ancestors. They believe that these spirits largely contribute to the health of the living family members and thus give them offerings or name their children after them.

Chagga tribe

The Chagga people are the third-largest group in the country and inhabit the area to the north of the Maasai Steppe and on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro. A Bantu people, the Chagga farm the mountainsides and use water from the forests. They are noted for their enterprise and hard work, especially in the invention of a remarkable irrigation system that carries water up to 180 metres above the level of the river, enabling them to sustain the mbeke plant, which they use to brew local beer.

Makonde tribe

One of the five major tribes of Tanzania, the Makonde are best known for their intricate woodcarvings. Located on the Makonde Plateau they have traditionally been somewhat isolated and thus remained largely unaffected by colonial and postcolonial development. The Makonde have a reputation for cultural conservatism and a desire to defend both their territory and their way of life.

Haya tribe

The Haya live on the shores of Lake Victoria using its rich soils to grow coffee. Today they grow both coffee and tea and process it for export. The Haya women pride themselves on their ability as craftswomen and as hairdressers.

Ha tribe

The Ha live along the Burundi border between Lake Victoria and Lake Tanganyika in a land of forest and bush that is infested with tsetse. Primarily occupied with tending their long-horn cattle, the Ha retain a deep belief in the mystical and continue to tend shrines to the family ancestors, which are set up outside their homes. Well known for their dances and celebrations, the Ha are famous for their music which is made using drums and gourds and the rhythm of bare feet.

Iraqw tribe

The Iraqw are of Cushitic origin and live in the central highlands of Mbulu. Known for their statuesque and immobile posture and sharply defined features, they are a withdrawn people who grow their own food and tend their cattle - selling off crops or animals only when it is strictly necessary.

Nyamzwezi tribe

Their name means ‘people of the moon', and they live in the west of the country near the Tabora area. Famed as the most powerful tribe in the interior of Tanzania during the colonial era, the Nyamzwezi were strong enough and rich enough to attack the occupying Arabs in 1880. Latter years have, however, seen a decline in their fortunes, largely due to the fact that their lands are infested with Tsetse fly, and short on both good soil and water.

Others

Roughly one per cent of the population is non-African: Europeans, Asians and Arabs. The majority of non-Africans are Shirazi, a mixture of Arab and the local population, and are well-established on the coastal islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Mafia.

People, Culture and Religion

The Tribes of Tanzania

The last census in Tanzania estimated the population to be 29,646,753 million, but as the last census was in July 1997, the true figure is probably closer to 40 million today. This follows an estimated annual population increase of over 3.0% per annum, rising to 4% in Dar es Salaam, with the birth rate at around 46.0 per 1,000 population (1997), and death rate of 15.0 deaths per 1,000. Life expectancy is 49 years, 47 for men, 50 for women. Recent excuses for failing to carry out more up-to-date census included the elections in 2000…but still no census has been carried out.

The majority of the population of Tanzania is primarily of African Bantu origin, numbering around 95 %. Other tribes include Cushitic speakers of Nilotic origins who migrated southwards in previous generations, often as nomadic pastoralists, and a small percentage of descendants of the first hunter-gatherer bushmen tribes who inhabited the land first, undisturbed until around 1,000BC when Cushitic speakers and Bantu tribes moved southwards and westwards to share this region. The hunter-gatherers are closely associated by physiognomic, cultural and linguistic similarities with the Khoisan (Bushmen) of southern Africa. The Hadzapi and Sandawe tribes represent the only small remaining pockets of these original inhabitants.
The remaining 2% of the population dates from more recent migrations and is made up of Arabic, Asian and European inhabitants. The population of each of these minority groups has dropped dramatically since Independence.

As a result of this unusual combination of peoples, The Republic of Tanzania has evolved the greatest linguistic diversity in the whole of the African continent, with four major African language bases, ranging from Bantu, Cushitic and the Nilotic languages to the less comprehensively spoken Khoisan or ‘click’ languages of the bushmen.
Within these broad language groups the different people of Tanzania are of hugely mixed racial origins, with around 129 ethnic groups divided and sub-divided into smaller internal groups. It remains questionable as to how many of these existed before the Western influences of the colonial period categorised them, and the differences between the different ‘tribes’ range between the blatantly obvious to very indistinct.

Of the other three language families, the second most important is the Nilotic group. The Nilotes can be divided into the plains Nilotic or Wa-Maasai, the highland Nilotic, who bear close ancestral similarities with the Wa-Barbaig of north-central Tanzania, and the ‘river-lake’ Nilotic who immigrated from Kenya and Uganda to settle on the eastern shores of Lake Victoria as the Luo tribe.
The Cushitic language has evolved from the Negroid Caucasoid group known as Cushites who have come to Tanzania as the Wa-Mbulu or Iraqw, and these people now farm the fertile volcanic northern highlands on the Great Rift Valley escarpment around Ngorongoro.

It has been one of the founding directives of the Republic that no ethnic group dominates, made easier by the fact that none of the 129 tribes and sub-tribes exceeds much more than 10% of the population. A governmental drive continues to reduce tribal differentiation to a merely nominal distinction, as chiefdoms are superseded by the boundaries and requirements of national politics. There have been directives to ban tribal clothing and insist that citizens retain a permanent residence. However, there are still many minority tribal groups still living in rural isolation despite the massive population growth, and they continue to speak their own languages and hold their own internal structures and standards. But the most successful unifying factor in Tanzania is the propagation of Swahili as a national language, enabling a much wider intermingling of all different peoples on the basis of one, fundamentally Bantu, language.

A National Language for all tribes and all peoples of Tanzania.
With such diverse people contained within the boundaries of this great republic, nothing could bring about such a strong sense of nationality and identity as the growth of Swahili as a national language. The language originates from the coastal regions and Zanzibar, where it developed in response to trade with sailors from the Arabian Gulf, and its name evolved from the Arabic ‘sahil’, meaning coast. It has since evolved to include many distinct examples of vocabulary taken from the most influential foreign visitors and settlers, especially Arabic, Portuguese, German and English, with recognisable words from each of these often reflecting the traces of those cultures left on this African land.

Words such as “chai” (tea), “achari”, (pickle), “serikali” (government), “sheha” (village councillor) are some of the words derived from Persian.

The Portuguese left a legacy of words such as “leso” (handkerchief), “meza” (table), “jela” (prison), “pesa” (money), “mvinyo” (Portuguese ‘mvinho’ for wine), etc.

The English words borrowed in Swahili are generally centred around machines or money, with words like “baiskeli” (bicycle), “basi” (bus), “gari” (car), “penseli” (pencil), “mashine” (machine), “kompyuta” (computer), “resiti”, (receipt), etc.

The Germans didn’t teach the Africans their language and hence just a few German words are found in Swahili. Words like “shule” for school.


There are over 100 dialects of Swahili, the purest form being still regarded to come from Zanzibar and the coast, and the language shows great variations in its widespread usage throughout Tanzania and Kenya. Tanzanians tell how coastal people speak most rapidly, and nowadays tend to include more slang expressions in their speech, whereas in rural areas Swahili reflects the local vernacular; the Wa-Sukuma around Lake Victoria employ very emphatic tones, and the Wa-Ha on the shores of Lake Tanganyika speak it slowly and carefully. The people of Kenya are regarded to be far less polite in their use of Swahili than the Tanzanians, exemplified by their preference of the phrase ‘nataka’, I want, over the more common Tanzanian request, ‘naomba’, I would like…

Closer proximity to other groups of peoples means that many Tanzanians now speak a number of languages and are required to study and converse in only Swahili in school.  Bearing in mind that most tribes were originally distinguished on account of their linguistic origins, this indicates a general softening of ‘tribal’ distinctions and reflects the very mixed culture in which many Tanzanians now grow up. The relatively rapid spread of Christianity and Islam has also had an important bearing on certain tribal beliefs and practices, although these are often held alongside traditional beliefs, with some unusual results. In most cases, distinctive tribal practices are becoming more or less historic, and many individuals will explain their parentage to be of mixed ethnic origin, showing how nowadays intermarrying between tribes is widespread. Nevertheless, almost everyone will be very clearly able to tell you his or her tribal lineage.
The following is not a comprehensive list of all 129 individual tribes, but instead the following information bears reference to the largest or most well known ethnic groups that travellers in Tanzania may encounter, or hear about.

Considerably the largest ethnic group are the Sukuma, who make up 10 – 13% of the population and inhabit the regions around Lake Victoria in Northern Tanzania. The greatness of the tribe has really evolved since all of the small, independent chiefdoms in this region were grouped together and perceived as a unit under the colonial government of Tanzania in 1946. The Sukuma museum outside Mwanza has gathered together a fascinating collection of memorabilia from the tribal past, including a huge map of the distinct Sukuma regions, and tall ornamental spinning drums showing each of the different forms of counting required, depending on whether you were a boy or girl, shepherd or elder. The centrepiece of the museum is a large pavilion containing vast tribal drums for each chiefdom, and other pavilions show the paraphernalia of historically acclaimed witch doctors and the costumes for traditional dance groups. The Sukuma traditionally dance with snakes, which they regard as an important spiritual omen, and often keep snakeskins hanging inside their double-walled round huts. Much of their culture is centred around the large, round boulders that dominate the landscape around the shores of Lake Victoria, used by women to grind corn, and by men to peek over the top and spy out the strongest unmarried girl to choose as a wife.

The Haya people of the Kagera Region in North West Tanzania are a sizeable tribe, and also show similarities of culture, tradition and language. They are also of Bantu origin, most closely allied with the Bantu to the north and west of them. The Haya were traditionally divided into a series of 130 distinct patrilineal clans, in turn organised into eight small sub-states ruled by a mukama chief. These broad clans included the pastoral Hima people, and the more agricultural Iru.

The Nyamwezi number over 400,000 and mainly inhabit the central regions around Tabora. They rose to great prominence working along the caravan routes, especially during the 19th century, when they challenged even the commercial power of the Arabs with their flare for trade across the interior. They were among the first tribes to organise themselves into a powerful warrior state, most impressively under the rule of their first warrior chief Mirambo, between 1870 and 1884. They traded mainly in copper, salt, ironmongery and ivory and slaves, and were widely famed for their abilities as long-distance porters. Their name was given to them by early Swahili traders, and strangely translates as ‘People of the Moon’, probably referring to their habitation of the desolate and vast interior. Their traditional tribal structure developed a greatly revered structure of aristocracy and slaves, and relied rigidly on frequent readings by the mfumi spirit diviner and strict spiritual initiation rites. The Nyamwezi also bear many cultural and linguistic similarities with the Sukuma people to the North of them.

The widely renowned Maasai tribe are originally Nilotic pastoralists, who migrated into Tanzania along the course of the Nile from southern Sudan. They speak Maa, which bears striking similarities with areas of their origination; maasai in Amharic means ‘like me’, and the Maa word sidan, sounding much like Sudan, means ‘beautiful’ while the word katuum, similar to the Khartoum, the capital of Sudan, means ‘will I get?’. Certain Maasai tribal factions migrated into Tanzania during the 17th century, having occupied East African lands further north since the 14th century. There remain approximately twelve distinct groups of Maasai around the world, the largest of which now lives in Tanzania. They call themselves Otunlangana loo Ngishu, meaning The People of the Cattle, and have traditionally made enemies as a result of their fundamental belief the all the cows in the world were rightfully given to them by god. They have traditionally adhered to very strict social structures and regulations, all in deference to the highest regarded social designation, that of Olaibon, their mediator between the people and the spirits of their ancestors. This is a hereditary title, and the Olaibon is responsible for solving all conflicts within his clan and initiating and closing the tribal age-sets, to which every other Maasai belongs. He is also the tribal healer, and will have the greatest knowledge of plant remedies and medicines upon which the people rely for survival in the bush. Age sets originate on a seven year scale, mainly concerned with male children and escalating from Engayok, young children remaining at home, to Layooni, attributed to uncircumcised boys who begin to learn the first lessons in herding cattle, to Sikoliyo, the name given newly circumcised boys awaiting their cleansing ceremony which will make him a Maasai Murran, or Morani, a warrior. A boy remains Sikoliyo for up to three months, and during this time he will dress in black robes and adorn his face with patterns of white chalk and soot. He takes an arrow and ventures into the bush, where he must kill birds and use the plumage to adorn his head. After the boy has spent his years as Murran, protecting the rights and safety of the community, he will become Orpaiyan, a married man with children. He is expected to marry numerous wives, and much later becomes an elder, called Ilmoruak, and is responsible for making wise decisions regarding the future of the clan.
The majority of the Maasai remain true to their original beliefs in their traditional religion, based on their god Engai and his messiah, Kindong’oi, from whom their priests descend. Worship is done under ‘holy’ fig trees, or at O’ldoinyo Lengai, which means ‘the mountain of god’. They do not believe in life after death. The Maasai traditionally adhere to a strict diet consisting only of cows milk, blood and meat, and wear a red cloth rubbed with fat for warmth, called shuka.

Such strict tribal regulations have meant that the Maasai have found the conversion to modern living in Tanzania hard, specifically continuing a pastoral nomadic existence in a rapidly more populous country with ever limited space and boundaries. Some Maasai have moved towards cultivation, and many who have had opportunities for education have demonstrated qualities of leadership and decision-making that afforded them positions of great importance within the countries’ universities and government.

 

Barbaig

The Barbaig are one of the largest sub-tribes of the broader ethnic group the Datoga. Their language has evolved from Eastern Sudanic roots, and they have a Nilotic appearance that once physically distinguished them from neighbouring tribes such as the WaNyaturu, WyNywamba, the Hadzapi and Sandawe.  The tribe used to practice scarification, marking cuts around each eye and down each cheek with soot from burnt wood, and would pierce and earlobes much like the Maasai. Neither of these practices is considered relevant to their lifestyles today. The Barbaig were close enemies of the Maasai tribe, although their lifestyles were originally remarkably similar, as they also herded (zebu humped) cattle southwards, following the course of the Nile. They continue to share an almost identical practice for making a strong alcoholic drink from aloe roots and wild honey. The two tribes famously endured a deciding battle over who should inhabit the lush lands of the Ngorongoro Highlands, although the Maasai arrived to find the Barbaig already settled there, and so the Maasai took precedence over the land. But still the tribes regard each other as ‘respected enemies’, and Barbaig elders still return to the graves of their ancestors in Ngorongoro Crater.  The Maasai Wars were brought to a halt by the intervention of the German military, and the British administration later put large numbers of the Barbaig on trial. The Barbaig now live a quieter life, mainly in the region around Mount Hanang, to the West of Tarangire National Park and north of Dodoma. They now combine pastoralism with local cultivation.

Traditional beliefs

The Barbaig believe strongly in the power of spirits, for good or evil, but also in an afterlife which is a more pleasant and better version of this one, without such destructive enemies as lion, elephant, rhino, cape buffalo, spirits in the form of snakes and invincible alien tribes. The Barbaig, similar to the Maasai, traditionally practice polygamous, often arranged marriages for girls between the ages of 13 and 14, and there were once said to be no unmarried women in the tribe. The marriage ceremony required the bride to be captured by her suitor in the cow kraal, and the end of her residence in her father’s house was signified by her intended husband placing a string of beads around her neck. The ceremony often did not take place without a struggle, to the extent that she might try to fight away the bridegroom and his helpers with a large stick. As well she might, as her marriage signifies the complete severance of her membership with girls of her age-group, who gather at her home to mourn. After the marriage she is part of her husbands’ wealth, and her children, house and any belongings are his. If they should divorce, she must leave with nothing. After marriage, the women would wear a special pleated leather skirt, known as hananywend, with spiritual-religious significance of Udameselgwa, the female deity and patroness of Barbaig women.

The Sandawe and Hadza/ Hadzapi, are distinct tribes but classed together, both being widely held to have the most ancient history of all the tribes, and represent the last remaining ancestors of the first hunter-gatherer tribes. They speak a language closely related to the ‘click’ language of the southern African Khoisan bushman. The Sandawe occupy an area of northern central Tanzania and are generally more assimilated with surrounding tribes, while the Hadza remain distinct hunter-gatherers, keeping to the rural regions around Lake Eyasi in the North, subsisting on roots and plants, or by bow and arrow during the dry season; their requirements have barely changed from the ancient Palaeolithic Era. However, the lifestyle of the Hadza is suffering from the encroachment of other populations, whose cattle scatter the game and pollute their water sources, and the growth of conservation areas, such as Ngorongoro, which continue to diminish their hunting grounds. The Hadza have developed a number of ingenious methods of attracting game closer to their arrows, including taking the horns of a slain impala on their heads and bobbing around in the bush imitating the actions of a live one. This age-old act of impressionism attracts other passing impala straight into the cooking pot. An alternative method is to cover themselves with an animal skin and lie in wait for hungry vultures…as they swoop to land the Hadza hunter can grab the bird in his hand. Remaining still while holding one bird then attracts others, and so the tribe is fed. They supplement their diet with wild honey, a precarious commodity to obtain, but worthwhile for trading with other tribes when supplies of arrowheads or tobacco run dry.
Both the Hadza and the Sandawe have an ancestral tradition of rock paintings, although it is uncertain which group were responsible for the original rock paintings in the Kondoa area between Dodoma and Arusha.

Also with an extraordinarily ancient history, the Iraqw (Mbulu) who now cultivate the highlands on the escarpment of the Great Rift Valley in Northern Tanzania are linguistically defined on account of their rare Southern Cushitic language. They are thought to have occupied the lands around Lake Natron, Manyara and Eyasi since ancient times, perhaps since the Upper Palaeolithic period. The Caucasoid origins of the Iraqw indicate that they may have been among the first immigrants to originate food production in East Africa during the 1st millennium, and were probably responsible for the unusually advanced irrigation systems evident in Northern Tanzania, such as those at Engakura. However, although the civilisation at Engakura could very likely have been initiated by people such as the Iraqw in the 1st millennium, evidence such as later pottery styles found at the site suggest that this settlement achieved much greater significance towards the middle of the 2nd millennium AD.

 

The Hehe are Bantu-speaking corn and cattle farmers, settled predominately in the southern highlands around Iringa. This diverse and dispersed cluster of patrilineal clans share a similar language and culture, and were among the first to join into a single political state in the mid-19th century under Munyigumba, head of the Muyinga family. Such organisation was necessary at this time, to protect against groups of the Southern African Ngoni tribe (see below), who were violently raiding all of the southern Tanzanian tribes at this time.  When Munyigumba died in 1879, his power of organisation and tribal respect was passed down to his son, Mkwawa, who continued to employ tactics of military organization borrowed from the Ngoni, and continued to expand his people’s domain. The tribe has been historically renowned for their fierce warrior-like reputation, to the extent that the origins of their name have controversially been attributed to their weird and terrifying battle cry, although some elders also claim that the name has ancestral connections with their place of origin.
The Hehe were subdued by German forces in 1898, but only after seven years of successful, hard-fought resistance, which culminated when the German forces dropped bombs on Mkwawa’s impressively large mud fortress and Mkwawa committed suicide to avoid capture. The paramount tribal chief was restored in 1926, and the heads of the formerly independent peoples were reinstated as sub-chiefs.
Hehe religion has traditionally focused upon the cult of their ancestors, but in recent times many have been converted to Christianity and Islam. Many of the old caravan trade routes passed through their lands, leading towards Kilwa and the coastal regions from the interior, and the Hehe were quick to make the most of business opportunities, finding astute wealth from dealing in ivory, and subsequently they have made the most of opportunities for education and understanding and incorporating western ways.

The Ngoni are said to have fled from Zululand in south Africa following the force of King Shaka’s Zulu wars, and reached southern Tanzania in 1840, searching for new lands. In around 1845 their main party was broken up at the northern end of Lake Nyasa, and some groups splintered off towards Songea further east, while others continued north to Lake Victoria. Their strict internal military organisation and consequently successful raiding techniques swiftly encouraged many of the surrounding immigrant tribes to organise themselves into more politically defined leaderships. These southern tribes and the Ngoni stopped fighting among themselves in order to put up a strong and fierce resistance against German occupation. The Ngoni put up a bloody and hard-fought fight, before they were defeated in 1910.


The Makonde people are also of Bantu origin, and although they continue to live on both sides of the Southern Tanzanian border with Mozambique, they remain one of the five most populous tribes in Tanzania.  The Makonde migrated north from Mozambique across the Ruvumi river to the Makonde plateau, now in the region of Mtwara, and this region has taken on a great significance to the tribe, whose traditional creation story tells of a nomadic beginning and leads to settling down on higher ground.
Their legend tells how before human life there lived a being who was neither man nor animal, and it wandered the land alone. One night he began to carve wood from a tree, which he worked into the figure of a female. He left the carving standing upright outside his dwelling while he slept, and the next morning, as the sun dawned on the carving, the female figure came to life. This first beautiful woman became this first being’s wife, and soon the couple conceived and bore a child. But three days after the child was born, it died. The new wife suggested that they should move to higher ground, and when they did she conceived once again. Again a child was born to them, but again, after three days the child died.  ‘Let us move higher still, to where the thick bush grows,’ the wife said. So once again they moved. A third time a child was born, and this time the child survived and this was the first Makonde.
This story has many elements that reflect the traditions and beliefs of the proud and extraordinarily artistic Makonde people, particularly their widely renowned and unusual talent for wood carving, but also their passion for stories and legends, and the origins of their belief in a matriarchal society in which women are highly prized in leading and advising their men. Makonde men traditionally carved wooden female figures for protection when they made a journey, and continue to represent the mother figure in their exceptional dark wood and ebony carvings today. These carvings now also represent all the external influences on their lives, including the family, shetaani spirits, dreams, and even more abstracted images, such as cloud formations. The Makonde have responded strongly to the influx of Christian missionaries in the southern region of Tanzania, and the greatest proportion has converted to Christianity.
The tribe used to practice various forms of distinctive tribal markings, notably small scarification marks around the face and extended earrings and lip-plugs for women. The lip-plug invariably incurred the top two front teeth being removed, and while it is still common to see Makonde women with these distinctions today, the practice is dying out among younger generations.
The Makonde are also famous for their impressively dramatic Sindimba dance, in which performers move and twist with superb agility on high wooden stilts, their heads and faces covered with emotive decorated masks.

The Chagga, (sometimes also spelt Chaga or Shaka), are Bantu-speaking people living on the fertile volcanic slopes of Kilimanjaro. The tribe is mainly descended from immigrants of various groups who migrated into the once forest-covered foothills, and of the 400 main clans most are of Kamba origin, although there are others from Teita, Maasai, and other peoples.
As a result, Chaggaland was divided into a number of politically independent chiefdoms, and these traditionally vied for supremacy over each other and gradually over the whole tribe. In the mid-18th century, the great Chagga chief, Horombo, nicknamed ‘Kilimia’, ‘the conqueror’, was close to uniting the whole disparate tribe and reigning as a paramount chief. He inspired a respect and command throughout the whole Kilimanjaro region, and would have very likely united them, but was killed in his prime by Maasai warriors, and his policy of unification died with him.
The rivalry between the more powerful tribal chiefs reached a peak at the latter end of the 19th century when Rindi of Moshi and Sina of Marangu were at the height of their power, and each played the other off against the influx of German colonials. Rindi was an astute businessman who recognised opportunities for treaties and negotiations with wealthier foreigners. When the slave and ivory trade was at its height in Zanzibar, Rindi worked to ensure the Moshi was an important staging post for both, and later, in 1885, he signed a treaty with the Germans, allowing them to use Moshi as their central base headquarters.
Sina, on the other hand, ruled his empire with his indomitable army, with which he terrorised surrounding clans with cattle raids.
However, there remained no paramount chief until Marealle of Marangu was established in that position by the German/ British colonial administration in 1893.
The fertile nature and high-altitude climate of the Chagga homelands around Kilimanjaro is perhaps the initiating force behind the success of the Chagga people, who have developed a reputation for being one of the wealthiest and most highly organised of African peoples. Whether this is true or not, they have had to develop their methods of cultivation to support an ever-increasing and dense population, making the Kilimanjaro region an area of intensive methods of agricultural irrigation, permanently cultivated by means of animal fertilisers and crop circulation. They have been forced to widely adopt the policy of ‘zero-grazing’, bringing grass to the animal rather than taking the animal to the grass, as pastures have diminished in lieu of crops and the National Park. But perhaps most significantly, the Chagga have realised the benefits of farming international cash crops alongside those grown as staples, and they are responsible for producing the greatest extent of aromatic Arabica coffee from the Kilimanjaro region for world wide sale. Their position at the base of the most phenomenal equatorial mountain in Africa has ensured that the Chagga have had more than their share of international visitors, from the first missionaries, geographers and colonialists who found solace from the equatorial sun on the cooler mountain slopes, and now an endless stream of climbers.
The Chagga are keen to claim that they have established a relatively egalitarian society, while it remains patrilineal in rules of descent and inheritance and polygamous marriages still occur, although are less common. One poignant aspect of their marriage ceremony is to wrap the mother of the bride in a large blanket, given by the invited guests, to show that she will now feel the cold without her daughter beside her at night. The Chagga have traditionally worshipped a great god called Ruwa, who resides in the sky, and to whom they offer animal sacrifices, but they also hold great regard for the spirits of the dead, believing them to return to earth in different forms. However many of the Chagga now follow Christianity, and have been widely receptive to the teaching offered by many denominations of missionaries in the region.
Perhaps this open-minded attitude to new ideas is one of the reasons behind the widely recognised success of the Chagga as a people, but their enterprise has not always found a welcome reception within their own country. Many Chagga have moved away from the Kilimanjaro region to set up businesses throughout Tanzania, and many have found great success for their entrepreneurial direction. But they have experienced much non-constructive discrimination and adverse local feeling that seems to stem entirely from a form of jealous resentment of their successes.
There are several groups of Africans, nearly one-third of whom are recent arrivals from the mainland. Indigenous Bantu groups, consisting of the Pemba in Pemba and the Hadimu and Tumbatu in Zanzibar, have absorbed the settlers who came from Persia in the 10th century. These groups and some of the descendants of slaves call themselves Shirazi. There are also small enclaves of Comorians and Somalis. Arab settlements were also established early, and intermarriage with the local people took place. Later Arab arrivals came from Oman and constituted an elite. The poorer recent immigrants from Oman are known as Manga. The Asians, now forming a very small minority, may be divided into Muslim and non-Muslim groups.
Religion
Almost the whole of the Arab and the African peoples of Zanzibar profess the Islamic faith. Traditional African beliefs are also found existing in conjunction with Islam. Among Muslims, the Sunnite sect is preferred by the indigenous people.

Ethnic Sandawe now want govt to protect their culture


Sandawe ethnic group in central Tanzania Mainland have asked authorities to put in place measures that protect their environment, identity and culture citing economic activities by other communities that threaten their very survival.
 
The Sandawe who inhabit Chemba and Kondoa districts, in Dodoma Region, are predominantly a hunter-gatherer tribe who earn their living from the surrounding environment.
 
They said unlike in the past, their unique life and culture are at risk of disappearing owing to unabated invasion of their areas and degradation of the environment by ‘immigrants.’
 
The tribesmen were speaking this week during a community inception workshop on the state of land based investment and resource conflicts organized and conducted by the Tanzania Natural Resource Forum (TNRF) at Kwamtoro Ward in the district.
 
The workshop is part of a programme titled Ardhi Yetu, funded by CARE International and coordinated by CARE Tanzania, and implemented by the Tanzania Natural Resource Forum (TNRF).
Deodutus Mungee from Ovada Ward said many ‘immigrants’ are clearing huge chunks of their traditional land for agriculture and settlements.
 
For example, he said, Bubu River supplying water to Sandawe communities down stream is seriously degraded as a result of farming activities.  If the trend is allowed to continue it could lead to the drying up of the river.
 
“This river is very important to us. It supplies water to Kisande, Handa and Lahode villages, but these people are clearing the catchment areas causing erosion and drought,” he lamented.
 
Another Ovada villager Elid Joachim said Sandawe communities have always been friends of the environment but today it can no longer support healthy life. “We used to live with animals very friendly, we had beekeeping projects for food but today trees have been depleted and the government is taking no measures, ” he complained.
 
Besides, he said their culture such as food and their tonal language with clicks, unrelated to any other of the 120 languages spoken in the country, have been altered in recent years due to the influx of ‘immigrants.’
 
Earlier, commenting on the challenges they face, the Secretary of Kwamtoro Peoples Development Association (UMAKWA) Frank Saki said transport and communication were the main challenges.
 
Programmes Coordinator for Land based investments for Tanzania Natural Resource Forum (TNRF) Godfrey Massay said the indigenous community had the right to clean and healthy environment.
 
“This clean and healthy environment must be safeguarded by the government. Environment and land rights are basic, which must be recognized and protected constitutionally,” he said.
 
The Sandawe tribe also known as ‘Bushmen’ believe in tradition and protected culture, but today, increased population coupled with climate change have forced people from other parts of the country to ‘invade’ their  neighbourhoods to start farms and set up settlements.

KIKUYU CULTURE & TRADITIONS


Kenya is famous for its 42 cultures, but other than the nomadic Maasai and Samburu, not many of these are widely known to the outside world. A new cultural centre devoted to the Kikuyu, Kenya’s largest offers a unique experience of this tradition rich culture existing in a modern world.

Riuki Cultural Centre is located not far outside of Nairobi, in the Kikuyu Heartland of Kiambu. The centre is run by Dr. Kinuthia Njoroge, who wanted to build a traditional Kikuyu village homestead to show local children the history and customs of their community.

The Kikuyu are the largest community in Kenya, and have always played a central role in the development of the independent Nation. For this reason, many may believe that modern influence has eroded the traditional way of life for this community, who mainly live around the capital city and the highlands.

But as Riuki demonstrates, this is not the case. While the traditional huts and ceremonies may be displays of a proud history, many of the same beliefs and customs persist in modern life.

In cuisine, music, marriage and everyday family life, most Kenyan Kikuyus still hold true to their identity. It is this pride that Riuki strives to encourage and strengthen, with its own blend of the modern and traditional.

Now visitors to Kenya can come to Riuki and spend a day learning more about this little known culture.

Welcomed to the centre by a group of elders, all of whom live in the local area, guests are welcomed in true Kikuyu style, with an invitation to drink from a horn filled with Muratina, a locally brewed drink.

There is a tour of a traditionally built hut with an explanation of how the traditional society operated. Communities always remained bound by strict and strong ties of clan loyalty and an even stronger sense of tribal unity - There was an age set system among young men, known as Mariika, but all clans and villages (itura) always paid deference to the wisdom and law of the tribe.

At Riuki, traditional songs, proverbs and dances bring the myths and legends of the Kikuyu to life.

According to Kikuyu mythology, all of creation began at the summit of Mount Kenya.

The icy peak was the realm of Ngai, the Supreme Creator, who descended from the heavens to his mountainous throne to survey his newly created lands. The mountain became Kirinyaga, his resting place, and it was from here that he called forth Gikuyu, the father of the Kikuyu people.

Ngai told him that all of the lands around Kirinyaga would be the home of Gikuyu and his children forever. He sent Gikuyu to grove of Fig trees, where he found a woman called Mumbi. This grove would become known as Mukuru wa Nyagathanga, the birthplace of all Kikuyu, still revered as a sacred place.

Among the fig trees, Gikuyu and Mumbi produced nine daughters- Wanjiku, Wanjiru, Wanjeri, Wambui, Wangari, Wacera, Waithera, Wairimu, and Nyambura. (Traditionally all Kikuyu girls should be given one of these names)

The girls grew into beautiful young women, who each full moon wandered the lands around Kirinyaga in search of men so that they could bear children. They begged their father to appeal to Ngai for help. Finally he bowed before the Mountain, and Ngai commanded him to make sacrifice among the figs and light a fire.

The sacrifice of a goat beneath a fig tree is still considered a way to call rain in times of drought, but in this first case it was a different form of life sustaining rain that Gikuyu sought. After the sacrifice he plunged nine sticks into a fire, and prayed. The fire erupted into an inferno, from which nine strong young men emerged. Giving thanks, Gikuyu took them back to his daughters, and the nine marriages were blessed by Ngai.

Each of the daughters made her own homestead, and nine separate clans of the Kikuyu were born. the unity of these clans was known as the Nyumba ya Mumbi, in honour of their Mother. The peak of Kirinyaga has since remained the sacred home of Ngai. As at Riuki, all Kikuyu homesteads were traditionally built to face this Holy Mountain.

A group of local women come to the centre to perform for visitors, with a series of dances traditionally performed at weddings and initiations and to sing songs. These are simple love and courting songs, traditional hunting songs and chants used when going to work in the fields.

The highlands of Kenya are rich fertile land, and this is a great farming culture- with a great cuisine that has grown from freshly grown vegetables.

The highlight of the day is a chance to sample a typical Kikuyu meal- delicious healthy food including sweet potatoes, Githeri (a maize and bean stew), Mukimo (a mashed combination of green peas and potato) with roasted goat and Irio, a great Kikuyu favourite.

There are also displays of traditional medicine, healing and divination.

Riuki can arrange extended programs to visit local farms and schools, or even to spend the night under the stars by a campfire on a traditional banana fibre mat, or to spend the night in a specially arranged homestay in a typical Kikuyu home.

For anyone with a free day in Nairobi, the Riuki Cultural Centre is an excellent way to discover more about another culture, and make many new friends along the way.

Friday, 3 April 2015

True Bushmen: The Hadza

Hadza huntingThe Hadza still hunt game with bows and arrows.
By Woodlouse (http://www.flickr.com/photos/woodlouse/3990736265/) [CC BY-SA 2.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0)], via Wikimedia Commons
There are over 120 different cultural groups living in Tanzania today, but perhaps one of the most unique (or old-fashioned, depending on how you look at it) is the Hadza.
There are right around 1,000 Hadza left in Tanzania (the only place this group lives), and some 300-400 of them live as true hunter-gatherers, sharing meat when they can find (and kill) it, and living off foraged tubers, berries, fruits, and honey when they can’t. As far as oral histories of the Hadzabe and anthropological research on the tribe can determine, their practices have barely changed in thousands of years.-
One of the most effective ways the Hadza live with the land is their symbiotic relationship with the honeyguide bird. When they hear its whistle, they’ll whistle back, the bird and the human calling back and forth to one another as the honeyguide flits through the trees. Following these birds can lead to very sweet rewards; they lead people to hives, and, after the honey has been conveniently cleared out, feast on the remaining larva and wax.
Most hunting is done with hand-fashioned bows and arrows. Some of the most commonly hunted animals include dik-diks, warthogs, monkeys, and occasionally larger antelope such as impala and eland. The bowstrings are generally made from animal ligaments, arrow heads are pounded out from nails and attached to wooden shafts, and the arrows are hand-fletched with bird feathers.-
The Hadza are also unique for another feature: their clicking language.
A linguistic isolate, the Hadza language—which involves unique (and, for a westerner, nearly impossible to replicate) glottal stops and click sounds on consonants—doesn’t fit into any larger language families. Fortunately for linguists, the language remains in use, and though the Hadza population is small, most Hadza children learn to speak Hadza fluently.
Hadza shelterA Hadzabe shelter. During the dry season, even structures this simple might not be made.
Photo: Thomson Safaris guest, David Rush
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Perhaps most surprising to a westerner, the Hadza have little if any concept of personal ownership. While they will make (and keep) hunting implements, leather bags from the skins of animals they’ve killed, and stone pipes, they tend not to accumulate many other possessions. If a Hadza does somehow accumulate more possessions than he or she needs, he or she will distribute them equally among the group, with no expectation of receiving anything in return. This sort of communal lifestyle is fundamental to their belief system.
Various attempts have been made to “settle” the Hadza, both by missionaries and by the Tanzanian government (the most recent government attempt was in 1990).